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Ethnic Nationalism and Civic Nationalism The discrimination between civic nationalism and ethnic nationalism is common in writings on nationalism and nations, whether it be as the civic-ethnic division, the political-cultural, or the Western-Eastern division.

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Writers, both modernists and ethnicists working within the paradigm of modernity, such as Hans Kohn, Liah Greenfeld, John Plamenatz, John Hutchinson, Ernest Gellner and Anthony Smith have all included this distinction in their writings. The historical differences in the development of the nation-state between the West and the East in Europe have enforced these theoretical-cum-practical divisions.

In fact the East-West divide is less a geographic divide than an historic one. I am not disputing this historic divide, but my argument is that this divide does not justify the theoretical schism in writings on nationalism, nor does this divide extend to perpetuating the notion of two types of nationalism in practice.

The argument behind this discrimination poses that though the end result for both sides was the modern nation-state the routes they took differed, which would terminally ordain the manner in which these nation-states expressed themselves as a unit of modernity.

That is, the formation of a nation would determine the national expression of a community. Therefore the basis of the nationalism is determined by whether the national feeling among the population emerged before or after the development of a nation-state.

And since every nation-state is inherently nationalistic 5 the timing of this development will in turn determine the motivations of continuity of the nation-state, thus its nationalism.

This chapter will initially present the principles of civic nationalism and ethnic nationalism separately and then provide suggestions of how the interplay of the principles of each is necessary to certify the success of the practice of nationalism.

I shall conclude by examining culture high culture and popular culture as the common ground forming the foundation for both the categories.

The first thing we need to do is briefly examine the relationship between civic and ethnic nationalism and the connection to cultural homogeneity. The proposal by those whom I will term the dichotomists those who divide nationalism into two types is that both civic nationalism and ethnic nationalism pursue mutually exclusive forms of cultural homogeneity.

In communities where these tools are unsuccessful or unavailable the elite draw elements from the people developing a populist movement driven by the seduction of myths and symbols deliberately forming a shared memory and shared destiny with which to unite the people. The minimal appearance of high culture is compensated with an over-zealous popular culture.

They manufacture a social glue from the Volk in the absence of other instruments. Cultural standardisation is then achieved through the ethnie and so the theoretical aim of ethnic nationalism is ethnic homogeneity.

Culture "introduces a mode of transmission of traits or activities from generation to generation which is no longer dependent on being inscribed into the genetic constitution of the members of the group. The removal of this dependency indicates the cultural break that modernity heralded and which modernists argue is crucial to the understanding of the functioning of nationalism.

Ethnicity is perceived as linked to this genetic constitution of culture, or at least the perennial component of it. This explains why as a consequence of this cultural break modernists such as Gellner rule out the necessity and relevance of ethnicity in determining nationalism.

The problems is that ethnicity is not just an example of a continuum in culture from premodern times. It is both a part of culture and a part of politics within modernity.

Gellner removes it from the core of nationalism, whilst still acknowledging that it may influence the nature of nationalism. Gellner tells us that "[n]ationalism is a political principle which maintains that similarity of culture is the basic social bond.

The proposal by some more extreme ethnicists 9 is that ethnicity possesses its own form of nationalism absent of any civic elements. This would mean a nationalism that is unsuccessful and unfulfilled. By contrast, it is the argument of this thesis that nationalism is a political and cultural phenomenon, and embedded in this is the influences of ethnicity.

The ethnic rationale is as much a component of nationalism as the civic. Both demonstrate methods by which culture is unifying.

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One particular practical example is the Basque lands of Spain whose nationalism may be categorised as ethnic nationalism, but also possesses representations of civic nationalism. Membership of the Basque society is based on descent but the nationalism would not exist were it not for the strength of some of the principal features of civic nationalism.

In fact the epicentre of Basque nationalism has shifted this century, and particularly since the s, in an eastward direction following the movement of economic wealth. This is a direct reflection of the importance of heavy industry and the generation of wealth.

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The institutions that are integral components to the development and functioning of a civil society are also necessary components of Basque nationalism in Spain. Hence the more potent regions of Basque nationalism are not necessarily those that carry particular historical significance, or are the cradle of its inception according to myth, as ethnic nationalism would suggest.

The argument can be generalised.Progress and development in communication system The objective of the study are: To know if people are aware of the progress and development in communication system.

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